?In Search of the “I” Word:
Kosovo’s Quest for Statehood

By Adam Levy

A long chapter may soon be completed in the tumultuous and tragic Kosovar saga. Even after the Dayton Agreement in 1995, Kosovo’s political ambitions hung by a thread as Milosevic continued subjugating Kosovar Albanians. And though the 1999 NATO bombings forced the Serbian army out of Kosovo, they did not end the territory’s political strife. In June 1999, the UN created the United Nations Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK), which had three main tasks: to establish a functioning interim civil administration, to promote self-government, and to encourage a political process to determine Kosovo’s final status.

Eight years later, the Kosovo issue remains unresolved. During the 1990s, Kosovo Albanians lived under an apartheid-like regime and suffered ethnic cleansing. They now will not accept anything but full independence from Serbia. For Kosovar Serbs, the past seven years have left them sequestered into enclaves—sometimes under 24-hour NATO protection. Kosovo’s struggling economy with 60 percent unemployment and frequent electrical blackouts further highlights frustration on both sides.

The question remains: will the final status plan proposed by United Nation’s Special Envoy Martti Ahtisaari actually lay out a roadmap to peace? Released on February 2, its goal is to “define provisions necessary for a future Kosovo that is viable, sustainable, and stable.” Centered around fourteen points regarding decentralization, human and ethnic rights, security, and economic reform, the proposal would grant Kosovo a supervised statehood. Kosovo will be able to write its own constitution, design a flag, compose a national anthem, raise a small army, and even eventually apply for a seat in the UN. What is obviously missing from this report is the ubiquitous “I” word. Kosovo is not yet independent; that will depend upon the decision of the Security Council.

While Belgrade abhors the idea of dismemberment, Pristina sees a glimmer of hope.

Regardless of what the international community wants, Serbia’s response to Ahtisaari’s proposal is an adamant No. In a parliamentary vote, Serbs voted 255 to 15 against it. Prime Minister Kostunica has stated that the plan violates the UN Charter and international law by destabilizing peace and security.

To some, the Kosovo issue remains a matter of pride. Twenty years ago, Milosevic said, “Every nation has a love, which eternally warms its heart. For Serbia, it is Kosovo….” Today’s Serbian politicians see it as political suicide to give up the “spiritual center of Serbia” because of important Serbian Orthodox monasteries in Kosovo, but this is a sentiment that doesn’t resonate with all Serbs. College students interviewed in Belgrade say they are more worried about finding jobs than regaining control of Kosovo. There seems to be a disconnect between politicians and citizens.

While Belgrade abhors the idea of dismemberment, Pristina sees a glimmer of hope. Members of Kosovo’s government were pleased with the plan because it is a concrete step towards independence. In early March, however, UN Special Envoy Ahtisaari concluded that Serb and Albanian leaders had failed to negotiate a compromise.

Kosovo’s divided population is equally dissatisfied with the proposal. On February 9, 10,000 Kosovar Serbs protested in the divided town of Mitrovica. The following day throughout Kosovo, the radical social organization Vetvendosje organized a series of protests aimed at the international community. Vetvendosje, which means self determination, has opposed the international presence in Kosovo since the early days of UNMIK. Albin Kurti, the organization’s leader and longtime human rights activist, compared the EU and UN to colonial overlords. The protests resulted in heated confrontations between demonstrators, the UN, and Kosovar police. Two people died in the demonstrations, prompting questions about UNMIK’s security capabilities. On February 19, a bomb detonated by the disbanded Kosovo Liberation Army damaged two UN vehicles. Most recently, on February 26, a grenade exploded outside the offices of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe. This is the worst bout of violence since the March 2004 riots, during which Kosovar Albanians rioted against Kosovar Serbs, killing eight Serbs and destroying hundreds of Serb homes and religious sites.

What remains is for the Security Council to pass its final resolution. Kosovars fear and Serbians hope that Russia will use its veto. Russia, Serbia’s traditional ally, has maintained that it will not accept anything that doesn’t represent Belgrade’s interests.

Kosovo’s greatest challenge will be getting through 2007 without further devastating violence. Nonetheless, the “I” word has been uttered and Kosovo will begin a new chapter as a young sovereign country.

Adam Levy is a junior at Tufts University studying International Relations and Peace and Justice Studies. He was in Kosovo in January doing research with the EPIIC Program.